Race, Ethnicity, and Residency

Post #4: Implicit Bias and Personal Reflection

See the prior posts introducing this topic, exploring the scientific myth of race, and elaborating why race is still very real.  This discussion is not meant to be comprehensive, nor are the listed resources, but I hope it can shed some light on race, science, and racial medicine.  Please contact me with any comments or additional sources.

“One wishes that Americans – white Americans – would read, for their own sakes, this record and stop defending themselves against it.  Only then will they be enabled to change their lives.  The fact that they have not yet been able to do this – to face their history to change their lives – hideously menaces this country.  Indeed, it menaces the entire world.”  James Baldwin, “White Man’s Guilt” in The Price of the Ticket

Collection of Dr. Samuel Morton. See Post #2. https://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/the-samuel-george-morton-cranial-collection/

The last two posts provided examples of egregious racist acts and policies within science and broader society, and how they are intertwined and still very much with us today.  A study of medical residents in 2016 demonstrated the racial biases we carry into the hospital, which demonstrates a form of implicit bias:  “People – all people – hold some implicit biases.  A bias is a negative attitude about one group of people relative to another group of people.  However, the distinguishing feature of an implicit bias is the negative association operates unintentionally or unconsciously.”

The quote above is from the book Just Medicine: A Cure for Racial Inequality in American Health Care by Dayna Bowen Matthew.  She details the history of racial healthcare laws and policies that formed the framework for much of our inequality today, but also argues the importance of individual implicit bias at the level of the physician-patient encounter and how that influences the overall healthcare system. 


If you haven’t, take the Implicit Association Test (IAT):  https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/.  This widely used and validated test has revealed the harm of our implicit biases in many different arenas including prosecuting attorneys in the criminal justice system, the jury selection process, employment hiring and promotion decisions, and school disciplinary actions.  Police officers with higher IAT scores (white favored implicit biases) more readily shoot unarmed Blacks than unarmed whites during video game simulations.

Healthcare workers are not exceptional and test no differently than the rest of the population.  In her book, Dr. Matthew presents “The Biased Care Model” [figure below] and details six mechanisms by which health care providers’ racial and ethnic biases contribute to disparate health outcomes.  Her argument is compelling and well worth the read.  If you remain unconvinced on the role of implicit bias in racial inequity, specifically in healthcare and explicitly at the level of the individual provider, then please consider reviewing these or other resources.


“When racist ideas resound, denials that those ideas are racist typically follow.  When racist policies resound, denials that those policies are racist also follow.  Denial is in the heart of racism, beating across ideologies, races, and nations.  It is beating within us.” Ibram X Kendi, “How to be an Antiracist

Even if it is not explicit, most (if not all) of us carry implicit racist biases.  That can be hard to accept, since we believe ourselves to be good and honest people.  But what I’ve tried to argue to this point is we are a product of a long history of racist ideas, policies, science, and socialization that is deeply entrenched within ourselves.  Denying this truth is harmful, but so is ignoring it.  If we believe racial equity is important in our greater profession and in our own office, then it requires constant vigilance against our own biases.  As stated by Michelle Alexander in The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, “This system of control depends far more on racial indifference (defined as a lack of compassion and caring about race and racial groups) than racial hostility – a feature it actually shares with its predecessors.”

The final post on this topic will explore some actionable items related to all of this, with the intent of creating accountability for our programmatic response. 

Race, Ethnicity, and Residency

Post #3: Learning – Race is Real

See the prior posts introducing this topic and exploring the scientific myth of race.  This discussion is not meant to be comprehensive, nor are the listed resources, but I hope it can shed some light on race, science, and racial medicine.  Please contact me with any comments or additional sources.

“Although the concept of race invokes seemingly biological based human characteristics (so-called phenotypes), selection of these particular human features for purposes of racial signification is always and necessarily a social and historical process.  Indeed, the categories employed to differentiate among human beings along racial lines reveal themselves, upon serious examination, to be at best imprecise, and at worst completely arbitrary.  They may be arbitrary, but they are not meaningless.  Race is strategic; race does ideological and political work.”   Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States


We need to go no further than the current crisis to see this in action.  As is now widely acknowledged, current SARS COVID-19 mortality data in the US suggests a disparity based on race and ethnicity, with Black, and to a slightly lesser extent, Latinx patients suffering at much higher rates than whites.

As I limitedly argued in the last post, race is not scientific, so the reason for these disparate outcomes are not – at least not primarily – biologic.  Prominent leaders in our country still hold this belief, however, including a physician senator when questioned on the data in his own state.  But the truth of the matter is far more complex and damning.  As explained recently in JAMA, there are two likely explanations for these data:  racial and ethnic minorities have a disproportionate number of underlying comorbidities and risk factors, and minorities, especially in urban areas, live in more crowded neighborhoods and households and more likely to be employed in public-facing jobs; social distancing, safe at home, and other public safety efforts are privileges not extended or available to many in these communities.  “As more data emerge, there will likely be evidence of racial/ethnic health disparities due to differential loss of health insurance, poorer quality of care, inequitable distribution of scarce testing and hospital resources, the digital divide, food insecurity, housing insecurity, and work-related exposures.”   

These factors are called the social determinants of health, which broadly include all conditions in life that shape health.  These are more specifically summarized in six categories:  conditions of birth and early childhood, education, work, the social circumstances of elders, a collection of elements of community resilience (including transportation, housing, security, community self-efficiency), and fairness (in general, sufficient redistribution of wealth and income to ensure social and economic security and equity).

These social conditions help explain why, for example Black individuals at birth have a life expectancy of 3.5 years less than white individuals, 70-80% of which can be explained by socioeconomic factors, and a Black infant born in the US is more than twice as likely to die before their first birthday than a white infant.

Many of these determinants are “far upstream of health care and are deeply rooted in the distribution of money and power, at local and national levels”.  These roots are foundational to our country, and a very limited and topical review of some of the branches include:

  • Over the past 30 years, the U.S penal population exploded from around 300,000 to more than 2 million, with drug convictions accounting for the majority of the increase.  The United States imprisons a larger percentage of its Black population than South Africa did at the height of apartheid. 
  • These stark racial disparities cannot be explained by rates of drug crime.  Studies show that people of all colors use and sell illegal drugs at remarkably similar rates, yet in some states, Black men have been admitted to prison on drug charges at rates twenty to fifty times greater than those of white men. 
  • More African American adults are under correctional control today – in prison or jail, on probation or parole – than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began.  The mass incarceration of people of color is a big part of the reason that a Black child born today is less likely to be raised by both parents than a Black child born during slavery. 
    • The total population of Black males in Chicago with a felony record (including both current an ex-felons) is equivalent to 55 percent of the Black adult male population and an astonishing 80 percent of the adult Black male workforce in the Chicago area.  More than 70 percent of all criminal cases in the Chicago area involves a class D felony drug possession charge, the lowest-level felony charge.
  • Black individuals are 3.23 times more likely than white individuals to be killed by a police officer in the United States.
  • Black people fatally shot by police are twice as likely as white people to be unarmed.
  • Bias in administrative records results in many studies underestimating or discriminately masking racial bias in policing.
  • In 1910, Black Americans owned over 14 million acres of land, but today our population of 40 million Black Americans own only 8 million acres.
  • Black Americans own less than 1% of rural land in the country.  The five largest white landowners own more rural land than all of Black America combined.
  • The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of how our Government Segregated America” provides a detailed history of racial housing policy.  Here is a map of redlining in Lexington, KY in 1940.
Mapping Inequality: Redlining in New Deal America
  • The Black poverty rate in 2018 was 22%.  It was 9% in whites.
  • The Black unemployment rate has been at least twice as high as whites for the past fifty years.
  • The median net worth of white households is roughly ten times that of Black households.
  • More recently, by April of 2020, among the estimated 36 million jobs lost due to COVID-19, roughly 40% were by persons with an annual household income of less than $40,000.  Unemployment rates at that time were 14.2%, 16.7%, and 18.9% among white, Black, and Latinx individuals, respectively.

This is (one reason) why acknowledging race is important, and it is absolutely imperative we do so in medicine.  Circling back to COVID-19, the racial disparities were not widely or immediately recognized in the early months of the pandemic because municipalities were not reporting data broken down by race and ethnicity.  This color-blind approach clearly can be harmful:  “To insist on color blindness is to deny the experience of people of color in a highly racialized society and to absolve oneself of any role in the process.”  A recent report of leading ophthalmology journals found that in 2019, 88% of studies reported background information including patient age and sex, but only 43% reported race and/or ethnicity.



To summarize up to this point, race is a sociopolitical construct that serves to create systematic inequity.  It harms individuals and communities and directly impacts health.  For those reasons and others, it is essential that we report race in the literature and continually raise awareness of these inequities.  Simultaneously, it is important that we recognize these are not inherent or biologic traits, but the result of social injustices.  The next post will try and make this more personal, including a discussion on the role of implicit bias in healthcare.  The final post will focus on ways we can respond, including plans within our program.